Moviment facciós a Barcelona el 19 i 20 de juliol de 1936

Moviment facciós a Barcelona el 19 i 20 de juliol de 1936


Institut Cartogràfic i Geològic de Catalunya

Més d'un cop haureu vist mapes que reprodueixen els fets del 19 de juliol a Barcelona, amb l'exèrcit espanyol intentant fer-se amb el control de la ciutat i el moviment popular enfrontat-s'hi i vencent-lo. Avui tenim l'ocasió de veure el plànol original de 1936, editat pel Sindicat de Professions Liberals de la CNT el 1937, on es mostren aquells moviments de les tropes que recolzaven el cop d'estat que havia esclatat el dia 17 a Melilla i el Protectorat Espanyol al Marroc, i que s'estenia entre els dies 18 i 19 per tota la Península, i la rèplica de les milícies populars, que van controlar la revolta a les casernes del Bruc, Girona, Sant Andreu, Lepant, Numància, Drassanes, Docks, Comandància Militar i les places de Catalunya i Universitat.

En verd s'indiquen les casernes colpistes i els moviments que realitzen per la ciutat per tal d'ocupar-la. En vermell veiem els moviments de les milícies populars de la CNT-FAI, Guàrdies d'Assalt, Mossos d'Esquadra, Guàrdia Civil i militars lleials a la República per controlar els sedicioses, i els llocs on es van establir les barricades per contenir-los, com la barricada de la Bretxa de Sant Pau, entre el Molino i la Ronda, que va evitar la connexió dels soldats que venien de la caserna de Numància (avinguda de Roma amb Tarragona) i la de les Drassenes, que no caurien, totes dues, fins les 10h del dia 20.




Barricada de la Bretxa de Sant Pau i el Paral·lel, davant del Molino
Brangulí, fotògrafs. Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya

El moviment de tropes feixistes més importants es va produir des de la caserna del Bruc (a les 3:50h de la matinada) i la de Sant Andreu (que es rendeix el dia 20 a les 10h del matí), que va permetre la distribució d'efectius per la Diagonal i el Camí de Dalt de Sant Andreu (Concepció Arenal) - Camí d'Horta (Freser) a través del carrer de Mallorca, i el descens cap a les places de la Universitat (on es rendien a les 14:30h) i de Catalunya (que es rendeix a les 16h) pels carrer Urgell i Girona, i pel passeig de Gràcia.




El guàrdia d'assalt Mariano Vitini dispara des de una barricada de cavalls morts del carrer
de la Diputació amb Roger de Llúria. La imatge és una reconstrucció dels fets poc
després que passessin en el mateix lloc i amb els mateixos protagonistes
Agustí Centelles. Archivos del Estado. Ministerio de Cultura

Les casernes de Girona, al carrer de Lepant, i la Comandància General, del passeig de Colom, es rendien al vespre del mateix dia 19; mentre la caserna dels Docks de l'avinguda d'Icària resistia fins al migdia del dia 20, moment en què es donava per controlat el moviment sediciós a la ciutat.


Publicat per Enric H. March 5 comentaris : Enllaços a aquest missatge


Etiquetes de comentaris: Barcelona , Guerra Civil , història , mapa , plànols BCN

Flowers at the Tomb of a Fascist

Flowers at the Tomb of a Fascist

BYANTONIO MAESTRETRANSLATION BYEOGHAN GILMARTIN

The remains of Spain’s fascist dictator Francisco Franco lie in a monument built for him by Republican prisoners of war. At last, the government is trying to rectify that.


Valle de los Caídos, 'The Valley of the Fallen,' where Spanish dictator Francisco Franco is buried.





Our summer issue has shipped from the printer and will be out soon! Subscribe or renew today.



It’s Thursday, 11 AM at the Valley of the Fallen. A gaunt middle-aged man with a yellow t-shirt and black fanny pack waits for the staff to allow visitors to approach the tomb of Francisco Franco. The rosary has just finished with the words “for Spain, its youth, and its families.” As the mass continues, the abbot evokes the martyrs of which he and his fellow Benedictian monks are the custodians. The humidity, which makes the walls sweat, gets into our bones as we wait behind the cordon for the service to end. In the vaults of the crypt below there are more than 20,000 victims of Francoism interred in the same dampness. The chants of the monks and the strong smell of incense add to the oppressive atmosphere. At last the mass finishes and we are ushered in to pay our respects to the dictator.

Spanish history can be grasped through the funeral rites of its protagonists. The great Spanish writer Federico García Lorca was left to rot in an unmarked pit in the hills outside Granada after his assassination by Falangists. Meanwhile, the man responsible for his murder, the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco, rests in a mausoleum fit for an Egyptian pharaoh. This is a fate quite distinct from the glory afforded other fascist dictators in Europe. Mussolini was strung up outside an Esso gas station near Milan, while the body of Adolf Hitler was burnt with that of Eva Braun in a crater that is now the sandpit of a Berlin playground. But Franco lies in an abbey built by Republican slaves and maintained by public money. And it is no accident. Spain was a fascist anomaly in postwar Europe, which built its democratic order with a strong antifascist component.
A Morbid Symbol

Work on the Valley of the Fallen began in 1940, a year after the end of the Spanish Civil War, when Franco issued two decrees stating the need to honor those who had given their lives in the “glorious national crusade.” Built deep within a mountainside in the Sierra de Guadarrama, sixty kilometers from Madrid, the massive complex houses the bodies not only of soldiers from the fascist army but thousands of republicans who were interred there without their families’ permission. Its 150-meter cross, which sits atop a mountain peak, is visible throughout a long stretch of the A Coruña motorway, one of the country’s busiest roads.

The dictator chose the site during a hike in the Sierra with General Juan Moscardó. Its proximity to El Escorial monastery, the historic resting place of Spanish kings, was no accident. Franco had hoped that work on the project would be finished by April 1, 1941, the anniversary of his victory in the civil war, but the paid labor provided by construction companies San Román, Huarte (now OHL), and Banús could not complete it in time. As a solution, the “Redemption through Labour” scheme deployed republican prisoners as slaves on the construction project. With their involvement the complex was finally finished in 1958, after a more than seventeen-year delay.

Now Spain’s new Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez is seeking to end the basilica being used as an apologia for the Spanish genocide. His Socialist Party (PSOE) government has promised to remove both the remains of Franco and those of the 1930s Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera before the end of the summer. The idea is turn the complex into a site of historical memory and reconciliation. Since the transition to democracy in the late 1970s, the PSOE has spent more than twenty years in power without daring to pull down this symbol of the fascist triumph. The speed of their announcement has surprised many, coming less than a month after taking office, but it seems designed to take advantage of the current weakness of the right-wing Popular Party (PP) after the fall of Mariano Rajoy. Founded by seven Francoist ministers, the PP are the political heirs to the dictatorial regime and have repeatedly obstructed attempts to gain justice for victims of his regime.

For the more than 250,000 (predominantly foreign) tourists who visit the Valley of the Fallen each year, it can be difficult to understand why the remains of Hitler’s only ally to survive the Second World War rest in such a grand memorial. It would be easy to come away with the impression that someone whose grave receives daily flowers paid for with public funds must not have been so terrible. Yet to understand the degree of democratic aberration that results from the preservation of such a monument, you only have to look at the close collaboration between the Francoist dictatorship and the Nazi regime.
Transition and Continuity

On May 11, 1941, an event was held in El Escorial to pay homage to José Antonio Primo de Rivera. The Falange led a solemn ceremony in front of his grave at the Valley of the Fallen, which was attended by the entire staff of the Nazi Party in Spain, including its highest representative Hans Thomsen, and the head of the Gestapo in Spain, Paul Winzer. This close relationship lasted until the end of the Second World War and included a 1938 agreement between Heinrich Himmler and the Minister of Public Order Severiano Martínez Anido. Under its terms, captured German Jews and communists who had fought for the International Brigades would be handed over to the Gestapo for interrogation and deportation to the camps and in exchange Paul Winzer would train the Francoist secret police (known as the Political-Social Brigade) in torture techniques.

The role of the Franco regime in supporting Nazism might make it difficult to understand the existence of the Valley of the Fallen but unlike in Germany, Spain has never gone through a process of historical revision or truth and reconciliation to come to terms with its past. Indeed, the location of the remains of over 114,000 republicans killed either during or in the aftermath of the civil war still remain unknown. The most important factor in securing a narrative of continued legitimacy for Spanish fascism after Franco was the role played by leading figures in the regime in the transition to democracy. In contrast to Germany or Italy, where fascist regimes were defeated, Adolfo Suárez, the first democratic prime minister of Spain, had previously been a Francoist minister.

Led and directed by the pro-fascist oligarchs, the transition of 1978 ensured that democratization took place within a framework which did not endanger their network of power and patronage. These narrow parameters were evident in the 1977 Political Reform Law which provided for the gradual concession of political freedoms while, at the same time, providing continuity for the structures of the regime. Above all, the Francoist army remained a decisive political force, with Spanish democracy developing always under the threat of its intervention. The existing judiciary was also left predominantly untouched and it took decades for the police forces to undergo anything resembling a process of democratic reform. At the same time, the Spanish right, under the leadership of Manuel Fraga, promised to ensure that the historical and cultural heritage of the dictatorship would not be betrayed.

As I approach Franco’s tomb an assemblage of fresh flowers lies on top. Those nostalgic for the days of fascism crowd around the grave, mixing with the tourists. A Japanese group visiting the abbey concentrate on the frescos in the cupula, ignoring the vigil at the grave of a dictator. But then an older man beside Franco’s marble tablet breaks the mirage, giving a military heel followed by a fascist salute. It encourages another man, who kneels and begins to pray beside the grave, then stands up and raises his hand to the sky. He remains standing for a few seconds, then bends to kiss Franco’s name carved in stone. Throughout this scene, the volunteer responsible simply repeats to the visitors that no photographs are allowed. I sit down on the ground in a corner, trying to gather my thoughts and write a few lines. The volunteer rebukes me, “Have some respect,” and tells me I can’t write here. Everything in this aberration is a metaphor for Spain.

07.18.2018

SPAIN
WAR AND IMPERIALISM
CONSERVATISM

Antonio Maestre is a Spanish journalist and documentary maker whose work appears in La Marea, El Diario and the TV station La Sexta.
ABOUT THE TRANSLATOR

Eoghan Gilmartin is a writer, translator and Jacobin contributor based in Madrid. He is also a member of Podemos.
FILED UNDER

SPAIN
WAR AND IMPERIALISM
CONSERVATISM
FASCISM
SPANISH CIVIL WAR

Enciclopedia Britanica nos cuenta Franco lavado y peinado.

Tell me how you write your History and I will tell you where you are. The hypocrite UK doing dictionaries.

Francisco Franco
RULER OF SPAIN
WRITTEN BY:
Stanley G. Payne

LAST UPDATED: Jul 18, 2018 See Article History
Alternative Titles: El Caudillo, Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teódulo Franco Bahamonde


Francisco Franco, in full Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teódulo Franco Bahamonde, byname El Caudillo (“The Leader”), (born December 4, 1892, El Ferrol, Spain—died November 20, 1975, Madrid), general and leader of the Nationalist forces that overthrew the Spanish democratic republic in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39); thereafter he was the head of the government of Spain until 1973 and head of state until his death in 1975.

Franco, FranciscoFrancisco Franco.Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.

Life

Franco was born at the coastal city and naval centre of El Ferrol in Galicia (northwestern Spain). His family life was not entirely happy, for Franco’s father, an officer in the Spanish Naval Administrative Corps, was eccentric, wasteful, and somewhat dissolute. More disciplined and serious than other boys his age, Franco was close to his mother, a pious and conservative upper middle-class Roman Catholic. Like four generations and his elder brother before him, Franco was originally destined for a career as a naval officer, but reduction of admissions to the Naval Academy forced him to choose the army. In 1907, only 14 years old, he entered the Infantry Academy at Toledo, graduating three years later.

Franco volunteered for active duty in the colonial campaigns in Spanish Morocco that had begun in 1909 and was transferred there in 1912 at age 19. The following year he was promoted to first lieutenant in an elite regiment of native Moroccan cavalry. At a time in which many Spanish officers were characterized by sloppiness and lack of professionalism, young Franco quickly showed his ability to command troops effectively and soon won a reputation for complete professional dedication. He devoted great care to the preparation of his unit’s actions and paid more attention than was common to the troops’ well-being. Reputed to be scrupulously honest, introverted, and a man of comparatively few intimatefriends, he was known to shun all frivolous amusements. In 1915 he became the youngest captain in the Spanish army. The following year he was seriously wounded by a bullet in the abdomen and returned to Spain to recover. In 1920 he was chosen to be second in command of the newly organized Spanish Foreign Legion, succeeding to full command in 1923. That year he also married Carmen Polo, with whom he had a daughter. During crucial campaigns against the Moroccan rebels, the legion played a decisive role in bringing the revolt to an end. Franco became a national hero, and in 1926, at age 33, he was promoted to brigadier general. At the beginning of 1928, he was named director of the newly organized General Military Academy in Saragossa.

After the fall of the monarchy in 1931, the leaders of the new Spanish Republic undertook a major and much-needed military reform, and Franco’s career was temporarily halted. The General Military Academy was dissolved, and Franco was placed on the inactive list. Though he was an avowed monarchist and held the honour of being a gentleman of the king’s chamber, Franco accepted both the new regime and his temporary demotion with perfect discipline. When conservative forces gained control of the republic in 1933, Franco was restored to active command; in 1934 he was promoted to major general. In October 1934, during a bloody uprising of Asturian miners who opposed the admission of three conservative members to the government, Franco was called in to quell the revolt. His success in this operation brought him new prominence. In May 1935 he was appointed chief of the Spanish army’s general staff, and he began tightening discipline and strengthening military institutions, although he left many of the earlier reforms in place.

Following a number of scandals that weakened the Radicals, one of the parties of the governing coalition, parliament was dissolved, and new elections were announced for February 1936. By this time the Spanish political parties had split into two factions: the rightist National Bloc and the leftist Popular Front. The left proved victorious in the elections, but the new government was unable to prevent the accelerating dissolution of Spain’s social and economic structure. Although Franco had never been a member of a political party, the growing anarchy impelled him to appeal to the government to declare a state of emergency. His appeal was refused, and he was removed from the general staff and sent to an obscure command in the Canary Islands. For some time he refused to commit himself to a military conspiracy against the government, but, as the political system disintegrated, he finally decided to join the rebels.

Franco’s Military Rebellion

At dawn on July 18, 1936, Franco’s manifesto acclaiming the military rebellion was broadcast from the Canary Islands, and the same morning the rising began on the mainland. The following day he flew to Morocco and within 24 hours was firmly in control of the protectorate and the Spanish army garrisoning it. After landing in Spain, Franco and his army marched toward Madrid, which was held by the government. When the Nationalist advance came to a halt on the outskirts of the city, the military leaders, in preparation of what they believed was the final assault that would deliver Madrid and the country into their hands, decided to choose a commander in chief, or generalissimo, who would also head the rebel Nationalist government in opposition to the republic. Because of his military ability and prestige, a political record unmarred by sectarian politics and conspiracies, and his proven ability to gain military assistance from Adolf Hitler’s Germany and Benito Mussolini’s Italy, Franco was the obvious choice. In part because he was not a typical Spanish “political general,” Franco became head of state of the new Nationalist regime on October 1, 1936. The rebel government did not, however, gain complete control of the country for more than three years.

Franco presided over a government that was basically a military dictatorship, but he realized that it needed a regular civil structure to broaden its support; this was to be derived mainly from the antileftist middle classes. On April 19, 1937, he fused the Falange (the Spanish fascist party) with the Carlists and created the rebel regime’s official political movement. While expanding the Falange into a more pluralistic group, Franco made it clear that it was the government that used the party and not the other way around. Thus, his regime became an institutionalized authoritarian system, differing in this respect from the fascist party-states of the German and Italian models.

As commander in chief during the Civil War, Franco was a careful and systematic leader. He made no rash moves and suffered only a few temporary defeats as his forces advanced slowly but steadily; the only major criticism directed at him during the campaign was that his strategy was frequently unimaginative. Nevertheless, because of the relatively superior military quality of his army and the continuation of heavy German and Italian assistance, Franco won a complete and unconditional victory on April 1, 1939.

The Civil War had been largely a sanguinary struggle of attrition, marked by atrocities on both sides. The tens of thousands of executions carried out by the Nationalist regime, which continued during the first years after the war ended, earned Franco more reproach than any other single aspect of his rule.

Franco’s Dictatorship

Although Franco had visions of restoring Spanish grandeur after the Civil War, in reality he was the leader of an exhausted country still divided internally and impoverished by a long and costly war. The stability of his government was made more precarious by the outbreak of World War II only five months later. Despite his sympathy for the Axis powers’ “New Order,” Franco at first declared Spanish neutrality in the conflict. His policy changed after the fall of France in June 1940, when he approached the German leader Hitler; Franco indicated his willingness to bring Spain into the war on Germany’s side in exchange for extensive German military and economic assistance and the cession to Spain of most of France’s territorial holdings in northwest Africa. Hitler was unable or unwilling to meet this price, and, after meeting with Franco at Hendaye, France, in October 1940, Hitler remarked that he would “as soon have three or four teeth pulled out” as go through another bargaining session like that again. Franco’s government thenceforth remained relatively sympathetic to the Axis powers while carefully avoiding any direct diplomatic and military commitment to them. Spain’s return to a state of complete neutrality in 1943 came too late to gain favourable treatment from the ascendant Allies. Nevertheless, Franco’s wartime diplomacy, marked as it was by cold realism and careful timing, had kept his regime from being destroyed along with the Axis powers.

The most difficult period of Franco’s regime began in the aftermath of World War II, when his government was ostracized by the newly formed United Nations. He was labeled by hostile foreign opinion the “last surviving fascist dictator” and for a time appeared to be the most hated of Western heads of state; within his country, however, as many people supported him as opposed him. The period of ostracism finally came to an end with the worsening of relations between the Soviet world and the West at the height of the Cold War. Franco could now be viewed as one of the world’s leading anticommunist statesmen, and relations with other countries began to be regularized in 1948. His international rehabilitation was advanced further in 1953, when Spain signed a 10-year military assistance pact with the United States, which was later renewed in more limited form.

Franco’s domestic policies became somewhat more liberal during the 1950s and ’60s, and the continuity of his regime, together with its capacity for creative evolution, won him at least a limited degree of respect from some of his critics. Franco said that he did not find the burden of government particularly heavy, and, in fact, his rule was marked by absolute self-confidence and relative indifference to criticism. He demonstrated marked political ability in gauging the psychology of the diverse elements, ranging from moderate liberals to extreme reactionaries, whose support was necessary for his regime’s survival. He maintained a careful balance among them and largely left the execution of policy to his appointees, thereby placing himself as arbiter above the storm of ordinary political conflict. To a considerable degree, the opprobrium for unsuccessful or unpopular aspects of policy tended to fall on individual ministers rather than on Franco. The Falange state party, downgraded in the early 1940s, in later years became known merely as the “Movement” and lost much of its original quasi-fascist identity.

Francisco Franco, 1954.AP

Unlike most rulers of rightist authoritarian regimes, Franco provided for the continuity of his government after his death through an official referendum in 1947 that made the Spanish state a monarchy and ratified Franco’s powers as a sort of regent for life. In 1967 he opened direct elections for a small minority of deputies to the parliament and in 1969 officially designated the then 32-year-old prince Juan Carlos, the eldest son of the nominal pretender to the Spanish throne, as his official successor upon his death. Franco resigned his position of premier in 1973 but retained his functions as head of state, commander in chief of the armed forces, and head of the “Movement.”

Franco was never a popular ruler and rarely tried to mobilize mass support. But after 1947 there was little direct or organized opposition to his rule. With the liberalization of his government and relaxation of some police powers, together with the country’s marked economic development during the 1960s, Franco’s image changed from that of the rigorous generalissimo to a more benign civilian elder statesman. Franco’s health declined markedly in the late 1960s, yet he professed to believe that he had left Spain’s affairs “tied and well-tied” and that after his death Prince Juan Carlos would maintain at least the basic structure of his regime. But after Franco’s death in 1975 following a long illness, Juan Carlos moved to dismantle the authoritarian institutions of Franco’s system and encouraged the revival of political parties. Spain had made great economic progress during the last two decades of Franco’s rule, and within three years of his death the country had become a democratic constitutional monarchy, with a prosperous economy and democratic institutions similar to those of the rest of western Europe.Stanley G. Payne

Abandonados ...

Sea por las razones que sean, es muy deprimente apenas reconocer a colegas entre las firmas de los profesionales del arte y la cultura sobre la cuestión de los presos políticos. 

Esto se traduce en que claramente "el adoctrinamiento" cómplice con el Franquismo y con el fascismo por defecto, mira para otro lado casi como en lo que Hannah Arendt tan bien expresa en su teoría de la banalidad del mal. 

Una gran pena!

Por otro lado, la ausencia de su solidaridad explica en sí misma el porqué y el cómo hemos llegado hasta aquí, en estos meses de tanta angustia y tristeza, tan aislados e incomprendidos en términos 
socio-politicos. 
E.Planas Julio 2018 

"Decenas de intelectuales y personalidades del mundo de la cultura han publicado este miércoles una carta colectiva en que denuncian la "incomprensible" prisión preventiva en la que se encuentran los líderes independentistas. Entre los firmantes, destacan los nombres de músicos como Nacho Vegas o Ismael Serrano, la escritora Elvira Lindo o el actor Alberto San Juan.

En el escrito, los intelectuales la consideran una pena "desproporcionada" y destacan que no han cometido ningún tipo de actos violentos por los que estar condenados. Además, añaden que existen "razones humanitarias" para pedir su liberación y lamentan el daño personal que están sufriendo las familias de los presos. 

Según afirman, estos encarcelamientos también han causado mucho daño a la imagen de España en Europa y a nivel mundial, ya que lo consideran un importante "retroceso en derechos y libertades". Por eso, en la carta, los firmantes hacen un llamamiento al grueso de la sociedad española para que "muestre su rechazo" a un encarcelamiento que consideran totalmente injustificado.

La carta ha sido firmada por las siguientes personalidades: 

Santiago Alba Rico (escritor)

Miguel del Arco (dramaturgo)

Montxo Armendáriz (cineasta)

Bernardo Atxaga (escritor)

Constantino Bértolo (editor)

Harkaitz Cano (escritor)

Alfons Cervera (escritor)

Fernando Clemot (escritor)

José Corbacho (cineasta)

Roberto Enríquez / Bob Pop (escritor)

Mauro Entrialgo (dibujante)

Rafael Escudero Alday (profesor de Filosofía del Derecho)

Cristina Fallarás (escritora)

Carlos Fernández Liria (filósofo)

Manel Fontdevila (dibujante)

Javier Gallego “Crudo” (periodista)

David García Aristegui (escritor e informático)

Belén Gopegui (escritora)

Yayo Herrero (activista ecologista)

Kepa Junkera (músico)

Carlos Lema (profesor de Filosofía del Derecho)

Anjel Lertxundi (escritor)

Elvira Lindo (escritora)

Lourdes Lucía (editora)

Aitor Merino (cineasta)

Elvira Navarro (escritora)

Rubén Ochandiano (actor)

Carolina del Olmo (escritora)

Puy Oria (productora)

José Ovejero (escritor)

Marc Parrot (músico)

Olga Rodríguez (periodista)

Xosé Manuel Pereiro (periodista)

Javier Pérez Royo (catedrático de Derecho Constitucional)

Edurne Portela (escritora)

Javier Rebollo (cineasta)

César Rendueles (escritor)

Silvina Ribotta (profesora de Filosofía del Derecho)

Jorge Riechmann (escritor)

Manuel Rivas (escritor)

Azucena Rodríguez (cineasta)

María Eugenia Rodríguez Palop (profesora de Filosofía del Derecho)

Isaac Rosa (escritor)

Miguel Ángel Ruiz-Larrea (arquitecto)

Alberto San Juan (actor)

Amparo Sánchez (música)

Gervasio Sánchez (fotógrafo)

Marta Sanz (escritora)

Ismael Serrano (músico)

Silvia Sesé (editora)

Suso de Toro (escritor)

Antonio de la Torre (actor)

Joaquín Urías (profesor de Derecho Constitucional)

Kirmen Uribe (escritor)

Nacho Vegas (músico)

Bernardo Vergara (dibujante)

Thais Villas (periodista)

Iban Zaldua (escritor)

Carlos Zanón (escritor)

Ataque Fascista Julio 2018

Jordi Borràs, víctima de la impunidad fascista

José Antich
Barcelona. Martes, 17 de julio de 2018

En la política catalana había dos certezas desde hace varios meses: que cualquier día podía haber un incidente violento y que el agresor sería un fascista de ultraderecha y el agredido un independentista. Ya sé que puede haber personas que se escandalicen con una manifestación tan rotunda, pero en los últimos meses se han documentado cientos de acciones violentas, suficientes como para que estadísticamente se pudiera asegurar de qué lado caerían el agresor y el agredido. Por eso, cuando en la noche del martes se supo que el fotoperiodista Jordi Borràs había sido agredido por una persona que se identificó como un miembro del Cuerpo Nacional de Policía, que había gritado "¡Viva España!, ¡Viva Franco!", antes de provocarle diversas lesiones en la cara, la temida noticia lamentablemente no sorprendió. Escandalizó, eso sí, pero no extrañó.

Era la historia de una impunidad consentida a la ultraderecha, varias veces denunciada, y que ha tenido en los últimos tiempos una presencia violenta en la calle. Lejos de reducirla policialmente hablando se le ha dado alas en los alrededores del 1 de octubre y, sobre todo, con la aplicación del 155. Había que estar, por ejemplo, en Catalunya Ràdio cuando se presentó una turba de fanáticos españolistas el pasado 27 de octubre y se produjeron momentos de fuerte tensión con rotura de vidrios, la imposibilidad de los trabajadores de abandonar la sede de la emisora e incluso un conato de asalto. Aquella situación se zanjó prácticamente sin castigo alguno para los atacantes. Eso sí, el ranking mundial de libertad de prensa que publica anualmente la ONG Reporteros Sin Fronteras hizo retroceder a España a la posición 31, por detrás de Sudáfrica o Cabo Verde.

https://www.elnacional.cat/es/editorial/jose-antich-jordi-borras-impunidad-fascista_288981_102.html

La enorme tolerancia en España con el fascismo ( Josép Pla)

Sobre Plá el traidor  fascista burgués Catalán. Verguenza y repugnancia de nuestra historia.

Utilizo texto encontrado escrito por Vicenç Navarro escrito 

el 03/03/2016

Vicenç Navarro es Catedrático de Ciencias Políticas y Políticas Públicas. Universidad Pompeu Fabra

La conveniente dicotomía persona versus pintor o versus escritor (en el caso de Josep Pla)

Una situación algo comparable ha sido el gran respeto y homenaje que se ha rendido al escritor Josep Pla, el gran autor de las letras catalanas, gran defensor de la versión burguesa de la cultura catalana, que apoyó activamente el golpe fascista militar, siendo una de sus funciones —como espía del Ejército fascista— el señalar los lugares donde debía bombardearse Barcelona, comunicando la información a las fuerzas militares para que estas bombardearan. De nuevo, una persona que jugó un papel importante en la estrategia militar del golpe fascista es homenajeada por sus escritos en catalán, ignorando su articulación con el golpe militar que, por cierto, oprimió brutalmente a la cultura catalana.

Recuerdo la impresión nauseabunda que me dio descubrir el busto de Josep Pla en el Ateneo Barcelonés, durante muchos años el centro intelectual burgués de Barcelona. Tal institución es privada, pero la existencia de este busto muestra la falta de sensibilidad democrática de dicha institución. De nuevo, el domino de la burguesía catalana en la vida cultural e intelectual explica que se le homenajee, con la presencia de un busto de su figura.

En este caso se ha dicho también que una cosa es la persona y otra es el escritor. Tal argumento ignora muchos hechos. Uno es que aquellas sociedades en donde se derrotó al fascismo y al nazismo, y en las cuales se desfascistó y desnacificó (como en Alemania) el país, las personas que habían sido parte del aparato cultural nazi y fascista fueron deshomenajeadas, perdiendo los honores que la dictadura les había otorgado, eliminando sus monumentos en los espacios públicos y prohibiendo que se les homenajeara en los espacios privados.

En España, sin embargo, el fascismo no fue derrotado, y las fuerzas que dominaron la Transición fueron las herederas de aquellos que hicieron el golpe militar y establecieron el régimen dictatorial. Y esto ocurrió en toda España, incluyendo Catalunya. El temor (cuando no la cobardía) de los gobiernos de izquierdas en España (primordialmente del PSOE) ha tenido un coste elevadísimo, pues ha permitido el mantenimiento de una visión hegemónica de lo que ocurrió en España, donde la recuperación de la Memoria Histórica está muy retrasada. Hay una relación clara entre la permanencia de un monumento al fundador de aquel régimen (el general que ha asesinado a más españoles en este país) en el Valle de los Caídos, y el rechazo institucional que ha ocurrido en Madrid a la propuesta de que se interrumpiera el homenaje a las figuras de Dalí y de Josep Pla, activos miembros de la represión fascista, eliminando la dedicación de calles públicas a tales personajes en esa ciudad. ¿Hasta cuándo continuará este temor a las derechas, herederas de aquel régimen, en España?

La enorme tolerancia en España con el fascismo ( Salvador Dalí)

Fascismo impertérrito 

Fragmentos del articulo de Vicenç Navarro escrito en 2016.... antes de este año horrible.

Vicenç Navarro es Catedrático de Ciencias Políticas y Políticas Públicas. Universidad Pompeu Fabra

El desconocido y ocultado pasado de Dalí

Como indicadores de este dominio tenemos la continuidad en la promoción de personajes que jugaron un papel clave en el mantenimiento y reproducción de aquel régimen. Seguimos viendo cómo estos personajes gozan de una gran prominencia en la vida política, intelectual  y cultural,  no solo en las instituciones públicas financiadas con fondos públicos, sino también en las privadas.

Recuerdo la sorpresa y desagrado que me produjo encontrar un gran monumento en Catalunya al despreciable colaborador del fascismo en España, y máximo portavoz en los foros culturales en el extranjero de este fascismo español y de sus dirigentes, que fue el Sr. Salvador Dalí, uno de los principales defensores de tal fascismo a nivel internacional. Salvador Dalí fue parte del establishment fascista, simpatizando claramente con la Falange. Su servilismo y adulación al dictador alcanzó niveles nauseabundos, promocionándolo en el extranjero, presentándolo como “el político clarividente que impuso la verdad, la claridad y el orden en el país en un momento de gran confusión y anarquía” (ver The Shameful Life of Salvador Dalí, de Ian Gibson).

Su apoyo al fascismo continuó hasta el último día de la dictadura, defendiendo al dictador hasta el final. Y también apoyó la brutal represión del régimen (por cada asesinato político que cometió Mussolini, Franco cometió 10.000, según el mayor estudioso del fascismo europeo, el profesor Malefakis, de la Universidad de Columbia en Nueva York).

Dalí fue uno de los máximos defensores no solo del fascismo, sino también de la represión por la que tal régimen se caracterizó. Ejemplos de ello hay muchos. El caso más conocido fuera de España (pero no en su interior) es el que ocurrió a raíz de la ejecución, el 27 de septiembre de 1975, de cinco prisioneros políticos, acto que generó una enorme repulsa internacional. Frente a dicha barbaridad, Dalí salió en defensa de tales ejecuciones, indicando en declaraciones a la Agencia France Press que “dos millones de españoles salieron a la calle aplaudiendo al mayor héroe existente en España, el general Franco, mostrando que todo el pueblo español está con él (….). Es una persona maravillosa. Y su acto garantiza que la monarquía que le suceda sea un éxito. En realidad, se necesitan tres veces más ejecuciones de las que han ocurrido”.

La represión fascista fue dura en la parte alta del Empordà (el Alt Empordà), incluyendo Cadaqués, donde tal personaje vivía. Entre las víctimas de aquella represión estuvo un maestro que fue fusilado por enseñar el catalán. Una nota interesante. Dalí se fue rápidamente a París al finalizar la dictadura, temeroso de que la población pudiera lincharle. El dominio (también en Catalunya) de las derechas en la Transición explica que no solo no le ocurriera nada, sino que se le promocionara. Se le presentó como un gran recurso del país que podía atraer turistas al Alt Empordà.

Hoy en Cadaqués (que es donde la burguesía catalana veraneaba) no hay un monumento a ese maestro fusilado. En cambio, Dalí tiene todo un monumento en la Plaza Mayor de esa localidad, sin que la juventud conozca nada de lo que pasó en su pueblo. Ello es un indicador más de que la burguesía catalana ha continuado dominando la vida política, intelectual, cultural y mediática de Catalunya durante la época postdictatorial. Tal promoción se argumenta (como acentuó el columnista de La Vanguardia, el Sr. Antoni Puigverd, portavoz informal de la respetabilidad burguesa) con que una cosa es su comportamiento como ciudadano y otra es su pintura, y el homenaje se supone que es al pintor, y no al fascista.

http://blogs.publico.es/dominiopublico/16044/16044/

La enorme tolerancia en España con el fascismo (intro)

La enorme tolerancia en España con el fascismo

Vicenç Navarro

Catedrático de Ciencias Políticas y Políticas Públicas. Universidad Pompeu Fabra

03/03/2016

Vicenç Navarro
Catedrático de Ciencias Políticas y Políticas Públicas. Universidad Pompeu Fabra

Una de las cosas que me sorprendió y que me entristeció más a la vuelta del exilio fue la enorme tolerancia que percibí en España hacia el fascismo, no solo entre las derechas, sino incluso entre amplios sectores intelectuales de las izquierdas, que frecuentemente utilizaban el término ‘franquista’ para definir aquel régimen, sin que ni siquiera utilizaran el término ‘fascista’, ignorando que, como he señalado en varias ocasiones, aquel régimen tenía todas las características que definen el fascismo: un nacionalismo exacerbado, de dimensión imperialista, con tonos racistas (el día nacional se llamaba de la Raza), con una adulación a la figura del líder del partido fascista, supuestamente provisto de dotes sobrehumanas (Caudillo por la Gracia de Dios), y con instituciones miméticas a las de los Estados fascistas (como los sindicatos verticales), imbuido de una ideología totalizante que afectaba a todas las dimensiones del ser humano (desde la lengua hasta el sexo), claramente influenciada por una doctrina sumamente reaccionaria (promovida por el Estado, en alianza con la Iglesia Católica, que formaba parte del Estado) bajo la justificación de querer construir una sociedad nueva, en contra de los ‘rojos’ (definiendo como tales a todas las voces opuestas a aquel régimen) y ‘separatistas’ (incluyendo en esta categoría a todas las otras visiones de España distintas a la España radial y uninacional).

Ni que decir tiene que estas características se diluyeron con el tiempo, y al final de aquella dictadura fascista pocos dentro de ese Estado se creían la ideología, sobre todo los dirigentes de aquel Estado, meros oportunistas carreristas, corruptos hasta la médula, característica que ha continuado entre sus sucesores en la derecha española. Aun así, las características de aquel régimen y de la ideología totalizante sí que pervivieron, de manera que muchos de sus elementos todavía están presentes en la cultura hegemónica del país y en el aparato del Estado (para la evolución de este apartado, ver mi libro Bienestar insuficiente, democracia incompleta. Sobre lo que no se habla en nuestro país, Anagrama, 2002).

Observer archive - In Franco's Spain, 15 July 1959

Twenty years after the end of the Spanish Civil War, photographer Michael Peto travelled around Spain with writer Nora Beloff for a three part series in the Observer looking at different aspects of life under General Franco and the future for the country.

Greg Whitmore

 @G_Whizzz

Sun 15 Jul 2018 08.00 BSTLast modified on Sun 15 Jul 2018 08.01 BST

 Barcelona slums: A home by the railway tracks, where the sewers tip their contents into the sea.
All photographs by Michael Peto for the Observer/Courtesy of the University of Dundee, The Peto Collection.

One of Spain’s principal attractions to it’s millions of visitors from industrial Northern Europe - besides sunshine and cheap services - is the archaism of the countryside.

You can drive for hundreds of miles and, apart from a patchy and uncertain tarmac under your tyres, there is nothing to remind you of the twentieth century: no poles or pylons, no petrol stations or electric pumps, just the peasants and their children in floppy hats and dateless clothes, women carrying pitchers on their heads and the two commonest landmarks, the donkey and the Cross.

 The quest for the colossal: skyscrapers in Madrid.

All this produces an illusion of permanence: so these people have always lived and so it seems they always will.

The illusion is false: and the tourists themselves are one of the reasons why. their disturbing impact on old Spain was noted by the National Association of Fathers of Families, one of the major corporations now authorised in Spain, who said at it’s annual congress this year: ‘It is impossible to overlook the danger represented in certain regions of Spain by the tourist current as a vehicle of ideas and customs highly pernicious to our family morality...’

 The donkey and the Cross.

Primarily Spanish farming is being forced away from its primitivism by the reproduction rate of the Spaniards themselves. The population has increased by five million since the Civil War, and a European country with the lowest agricultural yield and the highest birth-rate is condemned to modernise or die. The switching of public investment from industry to agriculture, notable in irrigation, has, in fact, already been decided upon.

The change is being accelerated by the penetration into rural Spain of Western notions of progress. This comes partly from the tourists, but also from a plentiful provision of American films (very cheap and available in local currency under the American Aid Agreement) in village cinemas and from the spread of radio. But the decisive fact has been the migration of surplus labour into the cities, so that hardly any peasant family is without a cousin, brother or child to bring it into touch with the modern world.

 Women leaving church in Guernica.

An old lady from a remote mountain village in the Asturias said she had had seventeen children, but added with a chuckle that her eldest daughter had married in the nearby town and had had only three;’They are cleverer these days...’

Crowding into cities is a common enough feature in the modern world but in Spain it has reached catastrophic proportions. Madrid (now two million) and Barcelona (one and a half million) are in a state of siege. Every day police patrol the platforms when the trains from the west and south arrive and peasants without labour permits are sent back on the next train at public expense. They find other ways of slipping back.

 A policeman questions a peasant in Granada.

There are today 120.000 of these immigrants grouped in the outlying slums of Barcelona. Some we visited have built their homes on the beaches by the railway track, regardless of the stench, where the sewers tip their contents into the sea. You can see them with buckets trying to fish food out of the filth. Bureaucrats have visited the site, declared it insalubrious, and forbidden further building. So now when, as frequently happens, the waves knock down existing shacks, families have to move in together.

 Boys at a Labour University in Cordoba. Designed specially for workers’ sons and run by the Franciscan Order, the Father in charge said that ‘it was not intended to pull the boys out of their class.’

Leaving aside the sub-proletariat of the slums, who sell their services far below the minimum wage, labourers have suffered far less from inflation than white-collar workers and school teachers whose standard of life has sunk far below conditions before the Civil War. Many Spaniards will tell you that the Government is deliberately pursuing what an orange-dealer from Valencia called the ‘cretinisation’ of the Spanish people: demoting and starving the intellectuals (who are traditionally anti-militarist, anti-clerical and anti-Franco) and boosting the current football craze (which has now ousted bull-fighting in popular favour) by radio, television, liberal allocation of newsprint to sports papers, and the building of colossal stadia.

The quest for the colossal is indeed a typical feature of Spain’s social policy. The skyline of many provincial cities is dominated no longer by the steeple but by some great State edifice, often the Social Security clinic.

This is an edited extract from an article by Nora Beloff entitled ‘What’s Happening in Spain?’, published in the Observer on 19 July 1959.