Tuesday, 31 October 2017

Exilio Español trabajo editado por Maria Paz Balibrea, Líneas de Fuga

Referencia sobre trabajo editado por Maria Paz Balibrea
Líneas de Fuga y Exilio Español
https://issuu.com/edicionesakal/docs/l__neas-de-fuga-dossier

Líneas de fuga

Hacia otra historiografía cultural del exilio republicano español


de  (Coordinador)

El golpe de Estado de 1936 y la revocación del gobierno electo democráticamente buscaron excluir y marginar el pensamiento progresista y republicano que, tras la victoria franquista en la Guerra Civil, hubo de dispersarse expatriado por el mundo. Durante 40 años la dictadura se encargó de manipular y censurar la cultura que, desde el exilio, se seguía creando fuera de la península. La llegada de la democracia posibilitó numerosos intentos de atajar la limitación y el sesgo de conocimiento impuestos por el régimen. Sin embargo, otras prioridades políticas y la pervivencia, consciente o no, de estructuras de interpretación heredadas del franquismo han sido un obstáculo para la recuperación de una tradición cultural que, desarrollada en la diáspora, es a la vez propia y ajena.
Líneas de fuga recorre críticamente las razones de ese largo desencuentro. Con el concurso de filósofos, historiadores, filólogos y críticos culturales,argumenta que encontrar otras formas de contar y pensar el legado cultural de nuestros exiliados republicanos es esencial para desentrañar la herencia que nos dejan y cómo, aún hoy, nos incumbe.

"El PP es un partido franquista y de extrema derecha"


Ramón Cotarelo: "El PP es un partido franquista y de extrema derecha"

Extracto de la entrevista de la revista argentina La Vanguardia a Ramón Cotarelo García (Madrid, 1943) profesor emérito e investigador de la Universidad de Educación a Distancia (UNED) de Madrid.


La transición democrática española, antes considerada modélica, está hoy siendo cuestionada tanto política como intelectualmente ¿Comparte las críticas actuales al llamado “régimen del 78”?



Nací durante el régimen de Franco y cuando este murió, yo tenía 32 años. Viví la transición sin implicarme personalmente en ella, como espectador. Posteriormente la analicé como estudioso. De alguna de las obras de esa época hay quien dice que sentaba las bases de la justificación de la transición como eso, algo “modélico”. Nada más falso. Es cierto que hice trabajo académico sobre la transición, pero lo hice intentando que fuera riguroso, científico, desapasionado. Por ejemplo, una de mis conclusiones, que aún hoy veo citada por ahí es que la transición se hizo a base de tres consensos: a) un consenso sobre el pasado (olvidarlo: Ley de Amnistía); un consenso sobre el presente, (régimen liberal, democrático, capitalista, Pactos de la Moncloa); y un consenso sobre el futuro (Estado monárquico: Constitución), que es exactamente lo que pasó. Y, como pasó, lo analicé. Otra cosa es que yo personalmente estuviera de acuerdo con ello, cosa que no es cierta.


En su blog Palinuro suele esbozar críticas muy duras contra el PP, de hecho ha señalado en varias ocasiones que en España no ha surgido una versión de la“nueva derecha” radicalizada porque, de algún modo, habita en el propio Partido Popular, al que caracterizado como “neofranquista”. Siendo que el PP es tomado como modelo por la derecha argentina: ¿Cuáles son los rasgos específicos que lo distinguen a este partido como fuerza de derecha? ¿A qué cree que se debe su éxito electoral y su persistencia en el poder (a pesar de las múltiples denuncias de corrupción y las dificultades socio-económicas)?

Que el PP es un partido neofranquista (incluso puramente franquista) está fuera de duda desde el momento en que fue fundado por un ministro de Franco y sus dos dirigentes hasta ahora son descendientes y herederos ideológicos de sendos franquistas: Aznar, de un leal a Franco, un periodista fascista, su abuelo; Rajoy, hijo de un juez corrupto franquista. El franquismo era la extrema derecha y el PP es franquista y de extrema derecha. Por eso no condena la dictadura, no aplica la ley de la memoria histórica, se niega a castigar a los torturadores y asesinos de la dictadura. Su éxito electoral se explica porque, en España, los franquistas (eso que llamamos “el franquismo sociológico”) son muchos, millones (entre cinco y ocho millones) de beneficiados de la dictadura por diversas vías y esos votan a los franquistas siempre, sin importarles si roban o no porque ellos aspiran a hacer lo mismo. La otra razón es el fraccionamiento y la incompetencia de la izquierda.


Ampliando el panorama: ¿Cuál es su lectura del ascenso de las derechas en Europa y en el resto del mundo? ¿A qué cree que se debe su crecimiento electoral?

A la inseguridad generada por la crisis que no es crisis sino un episodio más de la lucha de clases entre el capital y el trabajo y que el primero va ganando porque, en contra de la profecía de Marx, es él, el capital, el que se ha internacionalizado y no la clase obrera. Junto a la inseguridad de la crisis, la precariedad en la vida laboral y la xenofobia rampante a causa de la demagogia que se hace con los refugiados e inmigrantes.

Entrevista de Fernando Manuel Suárez

Saturday, 21 October 2017

La película que es premonitoria sobre lo que hoy está pasando... Barcelona 21 Oct 2017


Time Theft Agent E2162 from esther planas on Vimeo.

Still from 2010 Film Time Theft Agent 2162 The agent ends up being caught by Spanish Fascists. 

The film is an hauntological exercise and was a journey around a whole area in Barcelona called El Xino Distric V and has been part of narratives that involved the times of pre-civil war as Jean Genet and Bataille both including places like La Criolla in Barcelona. The Agent, is a double agent, she is a spy for a queer handler.. the film was part of an installation and part of a multidimensional narration. Still to be understood so far. Part of BCNProducció/10 La Capella. The Film was updated for the edition on May 2017 at Revissions during Loop Festival and at La Capella, Barcelona.

Monday, 9 October 2017

España Si Es FRANCOLAND!!!!!!!! Los hechos del 1.0 2017

España podría haberse sacudido de algunos de los problemas que tenía en los 70, pero no lo ha hecho. 

Han pretendido imponer el silencio sobre muchos temas y tener vacas sagradas. Como el rey", dice el periodista estadounidense que abre un paréntesis para decir que si en España no se hubiese protegido tanto al monarca su imagen no se hubiese visto tan dañada cuando se descubrió su safari africano.


Cuando Muñoz Molina se lamenta de que los forasteros miran España como Francoland es porque hay razones. ¿Por qué no han desenterrado a los miles de muertos? ¿Por qué Lorca sigue sin aparecer? Es un bochorno nacional. Ahí se ve la sombra de Franco. En los golpes a manifestantes estaba la sombra de Franco. El problema de no dialogar en Catalunya demuestra la sombra de Franco. Nunca se acabó con esa sombra porque no hubo una reconciliación nacional. Las víctimas tuvieron que irse o quedarse calladas y cuando llegó la democracia se les dijo que tenían que actuar como si todo estuviera perfecto y resuelto, pero sus familiares seguían en cunetas", sentencia Jon Lee Anderson. more: http://www.publico.es/sociedad/francoland-jon-lee-anderson.html

Sunday, 1 October 2017

The British pilot whose actions triggered the Spanish Civil War


The British pilot whose actions triggered the Spanish Civil War

Oct 18, 2017 Boban Docevski




More than 600,000 people lost their lives in the Spanish Civil War. At its end, in April 1939, General Francisco Franco had won, and he ruled the country for the next 36 years. The war has been described as a struggle between democracy and fascism.

In many cases, historic conflicts are triggered by seemingly insignificant people who by their actions manage to leave a huge impact. One example is the Bosnian Serb anarchist who killed Archduke Franz Ferdinand, triggering World War I.

In the case of the Spanish Civil War, an unspectacular British pilot changed history by giving Franco the opportunity to get out of a country unnoticed by authorities and organize his troops. The influence of citizens in the internal affairs of other countries, a practice throughout history, is, then, something to consider. How did it all begin?


Francisco Franco (1892-1975)

One July morning in 1936, Captain Cecil Bebb started his Dragon Rapide aircraft in what was supposed to look like a vacation trip. His passengers were Cecil’s friend, Major Hugh Pollard (a known British intelligence service operative), Diana Pollard, his daughter, and Dorothy Watson, her friend. They took off from Croydon Airport in London and reported that they were flying to the Canary Islands, but their real destination and intentions were much more sinister. The plane was supposed to take Franco from his post on the Canaries and bring him to his loyal troops stationed in Spanish Morocco.


A de Havilland Dragon Rapide aircraft


In February 1936, Franco was banished to the Canary Islands to serve there as a commander of the Spanish forces. His deployment was a form of punishment for his rebellious actions against the Second Spanish Republic. Meanwhile, Emilio Mola (another Spanish nationalist general and the inventor of the term “fifth column”) was plotting the military uprising that led to the Spanish Civil War. He contacted Franco in June the same year, and a military coup was put into motion. In mid-July, the Spanish Army of Africa rebelled, and General Franco was chosen as their leader, but he needed to be there to command them. This is where the British pilot came in.

Franco couldn’t just fly to Africa. If he had taken a Spanish plane, the Spanish government would certainly know about it and stop him. He needed help from the outside. This suspicious plane trip, which was possibly “booked” by the British secret service, was meticulously planned during a casual lunch at Simpson’s restaurant in the Strand.


Franco and other rebel commanders during the Civil War, c. 1936-1939

Hugh Pollard, Cecil’s companion on the plane, was an intelligence officer who was involved in operations during the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921). At one point he was contacted by Douglas Francis Jerrold (editor of the conservative newspaper English Review and also a British intelligence operative) and invited on a lunch together with Luis Bolin, who was the London correspondent of the ABC Newspaper. Bolin later became the main press advisor of Franco, which is probably not a coincidence. During that lunch, Jerrold managed to persuade Pollard to participate in the Franco “expedition.” Pollard then informed his friend and former MI6 colleague, Cecil Bebb, and he accepted.


The de Havilland Dragon Rapide aircraft flew from London on July 11, 1936. When they arrived on the Canary Islands, Franco was already informed and waiting for the British officers to pick him up. The whole journey was undetected by the authorities and Franco was taken to Tetuan, Morroco, on July 19. He immediately began to assemble the Spanish troops and prepare them for the coup.

Although it is obvious that there was some kind of external influence on this awful moment in history, the British involvement hasn’t been confirmed. The British government was officially neutral toward the Spanish Civil War issue during that time. Either the British authorities knew about Cecil’s and Pollard’s actions and sanctioned it, or the men acted on their own for a generous financial reward.


They shall not pass! Republican banner in Madrid reading “Fascism wants to conquer Madrid. Madrid shall be fascism’s grave.” during the siege of 1936–39

In an interview that Cecil made years later, for The Spanish Civil War (1983), a documentary made by Granada television, he said some pretty unbelievable things about his participation in the war: He said that a Spanish man had come to him and asked him if he would like to fly to the Canaries and pick up a rebellious general and help initiate a military coup in Spain. Cecil then told the reporter that the plan sounded like a great adventure to him and he accepted.

Read another story from us: One man fighter squadron: A single P-51 pilot protecting a squadron held off 30 German fighters

For his services to Franco and his regime, Cecil Bebb received three military decorations: the Grand Cross of the Imperial Order of the Yoke and Arrows (1939) and later in 1970, he received the Order of Civil Merit and the White Cross for Military Merit. For plane enthusiasts, the plane that Cecil used during this “mission,” the dH89 Dragon Rapide, was given to Franco as a gift and can now be seen in the Museo del Aire in Madrid.

Oct 18, 2017
Boban Docevski



More than 600,000 people lost their lives in the Spanish Civil War. At its end, in April 1939, General Francisco Franco had won, and he ruled the country for the next 36 years. The war has been described as a struggle between democracy and fascism.

In many cases, historic conflicts are triggered by seemingly insignificant people who by their actions manage to leave a huge impact. One example is the Bosnian Serb anarchist who killed Archduke Franz Ferdinand, triggering World War I.

In the case of the Spanish Civil War, an unspectacular British pilot changed history by giving Franco the opportunity to get out of a country unnoticed by authorities and organize his troops. The influence of citizens in the internal affairs of other countries, a practice throughout history, is, then, something to consider. How did it all begin?


Francisco Franco (1892-1975)

One July morning in 1936, Captain Cecil Bebb started his Dragon Rapide aircraft in what was supposed to look like a vacation trip. His passengers were Cecil’s friend, Major Hugh Pollard (a known British intelligence service operative), Diana Pollard, his daughter, and Dorothy Watson, her friend. They took off from Croydon Airport in London and reported that they were flying to the Canary Islands, but their real destination and intentions were much more sinister. The plane was supposed to take Franco from his post on the Canaries and bring him to his loyal troops stationed in Spanish Morocco.


A de Havilland Dragon Rapide aircraft


In February 1936, Franco was banished to the Canary Islands to serve there as a commander of the Spanish forces. His deployment was a form of punishment for his rebellious actions against the Second Spanish Republic. Meanwhile, Emilio Mola (another Spanish nationalist general and the inventor of the term “fifth column”) was plotting the military uprising that led to the Spanish Civil War. He contacted Franco in June the same year, and a military coup was put into motion. In mid-July, the Spanish Army of Africa rebelled, and General Franco was chosen as their leader, but he needed to be there to command them. This is where the British pilot came in.

Franco couldn’t just fly to Africa. If he had taken a Spanish plane, the Spanish government would certainly know about it and stop him. He needed help from the outside. This suspicious plane trip, which was possibly “booked” by the British secret service, was meticulously planned during a casual lunch at Simpson’s restaurant in the Strand.


Franco and other rebel commanders during the Civil War, c. 1936-1939

Hugh Pollard, Cecil’s companion on the plane, was an intelligence officer who was involved in operations during the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921). At one point he was contacted by Douglas Francis Jerrold (editor of the conservative newspaper English Review and also a British intelligence operative) and invited on a lunch together with Luis Bolin, who was the London correspondent of the ABC Newspaper. Bolin later became the main press advisor of Franco, which is probably not a coincidence. During that lunch, Jerrold managed to persuade Pollard to participate in the Franco “expedition.” Pollard then informed his friend and former MI6 colleague, Cecil Bebb, and he accepted.


The de Havilland Dragon Rapide aircraft flew from London on July 11, 1936. When they arrived on the Canary Islands, Franco was already informed and waiting for the British officers to pick him up. The whole journey was undetected by the authorities and Franco was taken to Tetuan, Morroco, on July 19. He immediately began to assemble the Spanish troops and prepare them for the coup.

Although it is obvious that there was some kind of external influence on this awful moment in history, the British involvement hasn’t been confirmed. The British government was officially neutral toward the Spanish Civil War issue during that time. Either the British authorities knew about Cecil’s and Pollard’s actions and sanctioned it, or the men acted on their own for a generous financial reward.


They shall not pass! Republican banner in Madrid reading “Fascism wants to conquer Madrid. Madrid shall be fascism’s grave.” during the siege of 1936–39

In an interview that Cecil made years later, for The Spanish Civil War (1983), a documentary made by Granada television, he said some pretty unbelievable things about his participation in the war: He said that a Spanish man had come to him and asked him if he would like to fly to the Canaries and pick up a rebellious general and help initiate a military coup in Spain. Cecil then told the reporter that the plan sounded like a great adventure to him and he accepted.

Read another story from us: One man fighter squadron: A single P-51 pilot protecting a squadron held off 30 German fighters

For his services to Franco and his regime, Cecil Bebb received three military decorations: the Grand Cross of the Imperial Order of the Yoke and Arrows (1939) and later in 1970, he received the Order of Civil Merit and the White Cross for Military Merit. For plane enthusiasts, the plane that Cecil used during this “mission,” the dH89 Dragon Rapide, was given to Franco as a gift and can now be seen in the Museo del Aire in Madrid.